Home  |  Module 1Module 2  |  Module 3  |  Module 4Concept MapFinal Paper
Social Foundations in Education and Technology
   Home > Module 4 > Response 7    
 

Response and Reflection

Hafter, D. M. (2003). The Cost of Inventiveness: Labor’s Struggle with Management’s Machine, Technology and Culture, 44, pp. 102-13.

Hafter's "The Cost of Inventiveness: Labor’s Struggle with Management’s Machine" illustrates the application of the social construction of technology to studying the history of industry in relation to the organization, management, its workers and its technology. Hafter first discusses some of the most important technologies of our time and their influence in industry, and discusses the focus of the discipline up to this point in time.  Hafter then states that "We need to shift our attention to concentrate on the workers’ role in technology, and to appreciate the tremendous power they had to make technological solutions succeed, fail, or change."

The discussion continues and he mentions how "Marx ignored how much individual skill remained as industry evolved from handicraft to machine production."  He emphasizes that more time needs to be devoted to the study of worker behavior during the industrial revolution.  To illustrate his points, he discusses the traditional apprentice and master approach for textile industry during the industrial revolution, and brings to light the many contradictions and from our traditional understanding and what actually occurred during the industrial revolution in France and many other parts of the industrialized world.  

One very important aspect of his prose is the role of women in the textile industry.  Women were perceived in our history as  unskilled workers unable to contribute to production in an economy aside from domestic work.  However, a more thorough examination of the history of the textile industry tells us that this is not the case.  Women were a critical part of the labor market and were not able to officially join the trade as either an apprentice or master.  Eventually, women because cross-skilled because they worked for different masters.  This became such a threat that women were not allowed, under law, to teach their husbands the skills.  IN essence, women were forced to protect business trade secrets across guilds.

As pointed out by Hafter, these points are "important markers for women’s history, showing that gender politics, rather than innate capacity, labeled female workers unskilled."  The Silk industry was also heavily dependent on female workers that gathered mulberry leaves to feed the silk worms, unwinded the silk from the cocoons, and weaved the plain silk.  

So how does this analysis contribute to our understanding of technology, the nature of work, and industry over time?  Hafter puts it best: "Much of our knowledge about past industry comes from official sources, describing legitimate business transactions. Based on these sources the story of technology appears to be an account of rational and progressive evolution. But from the ground it looks quite different."  It would appear that an examination of other sources reveals that our generalization of industry and its development over time may be tainted, or at minimum, lacking completeness.  For a complete understanding of history, we must examine both those legitimate sources, and those that may not have been considered legitimate.